An Open Access Review Journal Encouraging Critical Engagement with the Continuing Process of Inventing the Middle Ages

January 27, 2014

Dinshaw, How Soon is Now?

Carolyn Dinshaw, How Soon is Now? Medieval Texts, Amateur Readers, and the Queerness of Time (Durham: Duke UP, 2012).

Reviewed by Jesse Swan (jesse.swan@uni.edu)

"Dinshaw Glue and Other Queer Products of Attachment"

If there is one quality forbidden the late modern professor, surely it is love. Nothing gums up the mind of a late modern professor more than the sticky glue of love. As soon as “love” is proposed in one’s professional imagination, one seizes a reflexive guffaw the way John Milton’s patience seizes his profane question, “Doth God exact day-labor, light denied?” The seized guffaw, like the activity of patience, closes down passion, mostly by closing down temporal experience, and as such they are endorsed by modernity, yet they can, if queered, go the other way. Going the other way, Carolyn Dinshaw elaborates the unmodern time necessary to have had a guffaw that was suppressed at the moment of its production and to know such a guffaw, distinct from many another guffaw. That’s a queer feeling, to late modernity (which is queer in a different way from that of an early modern Puritanism, such as Milton’s, or from that of a Medieval religious experience, such as Boethius’s). In the now of late modernity, such a literary criticism and history as Dinshaw’s can operate only in queer environments of their own imperfect generation, such as the environment of the now old-style, 1980’s (gay-inflected) club scene, the sort of club scene that, for an hiatus from the usual Hi-NRG sound, would play the song of lovelorn experience, “How Soon Is Now?” The Smith’s song, title and substance, is borrowed for Dinshaw’s monograph-mashup, and to good purpose, not only conceptually, but also methodologically. Moving out of loveless and professional late modernity into unmodern appreciations of medieval cultures and amateur queers and temporally-flexible medievalists, Dinshaw makes fascinating, among much more, Aristotle, Augustine, Hope Emily Allen, Rip Van Winkle, a young man at a public festival in a bathrobe, The Book of John Mandeville, Margery Kempe, James I of Scotland, and, as she terms it, “the brilliant and baffling 1944 film,” A Canterbury Tale.

Among Medieval texts Dinshaw’s historiography revives out of “the modernist settlement” (p. 168 et passim) is Boethius and The Consolation of Philosophy. I concentrate on Boethius, because I want to highlight a marvelous product of Dinshaw’s method: that of providing an experience of Christian divine eternity absent the usual mysticism. Another way of saying this is that Dinshaw provides knowledge of religious existence without being permanently or only religious. She provides a sort of chiastic completion to Augustine’s crede, ut intelligas (believe so that you will understand), so that Dinshaw provides an understanding that provides the perception of the belief. The belief involves, as I’ve written, Christian divine eternity, a temporal experience that is accessed by way of Dinshaw’s engagement with and engagement of queer amateur texts and practices. Indeed, it is something of a perversion of Dinshaw’s method to concentrate upon Boethius as I am doing, but it is perversion that can be accommodated and even celebrated, if it is left fluid and not fixed, relational and not settled. To regenerate the Boethian ecstasy that is the divine and rationally lovely consolation in which the The Consolation of Philosophy culminates, Dinshaw requires her reader to bring into cognizance and intellectual reflection her own experience of several nows, including the now of encountering the “moving headstone [from the destroyed grave of one David LeValley (1820-1893) that] haunts . . . this chapter” and that washed up the flooded stream forming the border of the property “in the remote southwest corner of the Catskill mountain range” that Dinshaw owned with her “girlfriend,” whom I take to have been her lover, using what I imagine must now be my old-fashioned, 1980’s nomenclature for same-sex erotic, sexual, romantic, and community-property partner (129-130). The gravestone commemorating LeValley floating not entirely unlike one of Derrida’s postcards (and Derrida informs this chapter’s idealization overtly by reference, but not specifically to his postcards), is imaginatively combined in the chapter’s reverie with Washington Irving / Rip van Winkle / Geoffrey Crayon, James I of Scotland, and all that came before the chapter in the book, including all the discussions of “asynchronous” time, such as that of Augustine, the experience of colonial and postcolonial British India, philology, and queer amateurs such as the aptly named and ever optimistic, Hope Emily Allen. This combination is made in order to read / to regenerate Boethius’s sensational, ever-present consolation, a consolation absent to those of “the modernist settlement.”  There is no passage suitable for quoting to provide something of the thrilling experience Dinshaw regenerates, but readers are urged to consult pages 146 through 149 for something of the experience. Of course, without all that comes up to page 146, and, really, without all that comes after page 149, the four pages lack the fullness that they can possess as they “temporally rent Boethius” (149).

Reading and rereading pages 146 through 149 the way Dinshaw instructs is “exhilarating,” which is, as she well knows and even advances, a form of “queer appreciation of temporal heterogeneity [that we should use] to contest and enlarge singular narratives of development, and to begin to imagine collective possibilities for a more attached – that is to say, queer – future” (127).  And there can hardly be anything queerer, in the current moment, than queer and even gay or even LGBTQQIA history that does not involve sexual practices or even discussion of sexual practices. I mention this, because this is another fascinating queer feature of Dinshaw’s literary history: While it does not denigrate sexual practice, and while it even references sexual practice when apt, Dinshaw’s literary history, like Augustine’s and like Hope Emily Allen’s among others considered amateur in one way or another and in one time or another, pursues many queer matters in addition to the sexual and does so in a manner that is erotically enticing, indeed, lovely. This is something she is able to discern and celebrate most keenly in the ultimate chapter, a chapter that is to be considered the chapter that is not one, to provide allusively another blast from the theoretical and feminist past (for the Anglophone queer reader, Luce Irigaray’s The Sex Which Is Not One is a distinctly 1980’s sensation, not unlike The Smith’s “How Soon Is Now?”). In the last chapter which is not one, called the “Epilogue,” Dinshaw explores how A Canterbury Tale, “the brilliant and baffling 1944 film, pushes to a bizarre and criminal point the implications of [her] discussion heretofore” (152). The criminal nature of the film is part of its plot and theme, not part of its existence in society, as might be the case with treasonous or pornographic intention and effect or with queer sexual practices in 1944. In the story of the film, an amateur historian and deeply patriotic townsman, Thomas Colpeper, takes to molesting new women to the small town on the road to Canterbury by sneaking upon them and smearing their heads and hair with glue. Alison, a British girl new to town, is the one featured in the film being so welcomed, and, like many another Alison, particularly a Chaucerian one, she reacts, not with a sense of victimization, but with great self-possession and determination to discover and denounce the miscreant. All is, naturally, or, more properly speaking, queerly, which is to say literarily, eventually found out and all desires are expressed and even, in their way, celebrated by the movie’s end, which is part of what draws Dinshaw to this odd piece of propaganda produced in war-time and about war-time experiences, experiences that were very much present at the time, yet not always, or not for everyone, except for the queerest, most patriotic, most attached amateurs, historians and humane citizens, such as Colpeper and the producers of the film. Like the soldiers the molesting, glue-smearing Colpeper means to save and make interested in their own history and country (it is discovered that Colpeper molests as he does in order to make women unavailable to the soldiers on the nights he gives his historical and literary lectures, knowing that the soldiers will attend his lectures only if there be nothing better to do), the “indifferent audience” of readers and students Dinshaw tries to save, with her own queer gestures, writings and lectures, seems so close, so potentially active, yet so, well, “indifferent.” Such makes her, and me, “laugh, sort of” (170). The “sort of” is because the laugh is not that of modernity and its derisive humor that is “a confident distancing,” but, rather, the laugh is the humane, empathic, attached humor that makes her – and me – “recoil at my own implication in this image [of Colpeper]: with his pathetic lonely eagerness to share his enthusiasm about the Canterbury pilgrims, he’s my personal nightmare version of the Chaucerian – me – trying to interest an indifferent audience in the Canterbury Tales” (170). The indifference is difficult to address, because it is the mode of the professional administrator of “the modernist settlement,” just the sort of job-holder so many of the students are passing through town to become. Dinshaw realizes, as she hopes we do, how much like a glue-smearing miscreant the attached queer Medievalist must seem to be now, and how much she, or he, has to work to remember that she loves being so.

I’m not sure there’s a way to get this glue onto those who most need it anytime soon, yet I recommend this brand of glue to all who have some time for it now.

Jesse Swan
University of Northern Iowa                                                                                                                               

January 22, 2014

Keymeulen and Tollebeek: Henri Pirenne, Historian


http://img1.imagesbn.com/p/9789058678850_p0_v1_s260x420.JPGSarah Keymeulen and Jo Tollebeek, Henri Pirenne, Historian:  A Life in Pictures.  Leuven:  Lipsius/Leuven University Press, 2012.  Preface by Martha Howell. 

Reviewed by: Martin O. Heisler (mheisler@umd.edu)


Was there one Henri Pirenne beneath historians' many Henri Pirennes, and if so, who was he?  Medievalists look to his original research on the development of cities, and, of course, Mohammed and Charlemagne, his novel argument for the demise of the western Roman Empire.   That work engendered controversy when it was published, posthumously, in 1937; and it has been (ab)used for political purposes for more than 70 years, first as a tool for advancing Nazi ideology[1] and now as fuel for anti-Islamic arguments.[2]  Others see a national historian, the author of a monumental seven-volume work intent on rooting the Belgian nation in the distant past; still others associate him with methodological and analytic progress in economic and social history[3] or his general History of Europe, republished most recently in 2008.  The renowned Dutch scholar, Pieter Geyl -- while critical of the underlying argument of Pirenne's history of Belgium (because it contradicted Geyl's "Greater Nederlandish thesis") -- found the scholarship "impressive," but thought of Pirenne mainly as a historiographer.[4]   Pirenne's son Jacques, also a noted historian, remarked that specialists had either lost sight of -- or had never gained an appreciation for -- the coherence of the large and diverse corpus of his father's work.[5] 

This small, elegant and insightful book makes it easy to appreciate the integral man and his scholarship.  It draws heavily on the Pirenne archives at the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB) and the Ghent University Library, both of which have recently had exhibitions focused on material in their holdings.[6]   In about 50 pages of text (pictures, reproductions of documents and diary pages, chronologies and bibliographies take up the greater part of the book's 120 pages) it locates Pirenne in his time and place, in European events and in the world of academic historians in Europe, especially in Germany, France and the Netherlands.  The influences on his ideas, methods of research and narrative style are suggested through his experiences and connections, rather than textual analysis.

There is as much or more of substance here on the formative and transformative experiences that helped to shape the choices of subject and orientation of Pirenne's œuvre than could be found in some full-length biographies.[7]  The description of his family and early education is followed by a close and well-documented account of his turn toward history -- and specific subjects in history -- even while adhering to his father's wish that he study law.  In pages reproduced from his diary, the authors allow Pirenne to express the thinking that led him to the work that would come to define him.  A month before his twentieth birthday, Pirenne noted that he was captivated by the history of medieval municipalities:  "I believe that later on, when I am a lawyer, these studies will form a part of the national heritage, . . . into which I will conduct research and in which I will try to achieve something" (p. 23).  He followed a doctorate in history at the age of 20 (roughly equivalent to a Master's degree in the U.S.) with a thesis on the establishment in the Middle Ages of the town of Dinant, with studies in France and Germany; and he opened himself to the intellectual influence of Karl Lamprecht and others.

By World War I Pirenne's reputation in Europe as well as Belgium was so great, and the public expressions of his patriotism so vigorous, that the country's occupiers feared his influence and interned him in Germany.   Germany's actions in the war, coupled with a jingoistic turn by many prominent historians, including Pirenne's erstwhile friend, Lamprecht, led him to reassess not only some of his personal and professional ties but also the methodological and intellectual influence of his German associates.  While his internment was far from arduous -- he had access to university libraries in the region to which he was limited;  good food and Havana cigars; and opportunities to teach and write (and to learn Russian) -- his disappointment that nationalist cant and rationalization subordinated intellectual and professional values muted his commitment to national history.  Although he completed his seven volume history of Belgium, his attention was increasingly directed toward European history.  This move was encouraged by sometimes intemperate criticisms of his national history by Geyl and others outside Belgium; Pirenne then turned to Mahomet et Charlemagne, which he saw, in Keymeulen and Tollebeek's words "as his 'spiritual testament'" (p. 96).

Is that testament in danger of being hugged to death by anti-Islamists in the United States and Europe?  Googling Mohammed and Charlemagne today quickly brings up a book by an Emmet Scott (background obscure), marketed by an equally obscure publisher of ultraconservative books and periodicals, with little or no presence among scholars of any sort, anywhere.  Most of the comments about the book on Amazon's web site suggest that Pirenne's name and work are living a strange and disturbing life.  Keymeulen and Tollebeek convincingly show Pirenne's abhorrence of nationalistic and sectarian sentiments, so it can be said with confidence that he would be aghast.  

Martin O. Heisler

University of Maryland


[1] Henri Pirenne, Historian:  A Life in Pictures (Leuven:  Lipsius Leuven/Leuven University Press, 2012), pp. 104-5,
[2] Most notably, Emmet Scott, Mohammed and Charlemagne Revisited:  The History of a Controversy (Nashville:  New English Press, 2012).
[3] Erik Thoen and Eric Vanhaute, "Pirenne and economic and social theory:  influences, methods and reception," Revue belge d'Histoire contemporaine/Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis, 41, 3-4 (2011):  323-353.   This article appeared in a special issue of the journal, Henri Pirenne:  un historien belge face au développement des sciences sociales et historiques, eds. M. Boone, C. Billen and S. Keymeulen.
[4] Personal conversations, Utrecht, January 1964.  See also Henri Pirenne, historian, pp. 95-96..
[5] Personal conversations; Brussels, October - December 1963.  See also Martha Howell's one-page Preface to the work under review.
[6] Since 2005, most of Pirenne's papers, as well as pictorial and documentary material, have been in the public domain.  Much of it has been digitized, accessible here. Pirenne held a professorship at Ghent from 1885 (when he was 24 !) until 1930, when the university instituted a Nederlands-only policy (for most in practice still Flemish then) as the language of instruction.  Although he probably could have developed the polished command of the language to teach at the elegant level he demanded of himself, he chose to take early retirement (at the age of 67).   He left in part as a matter of principle against what he saw as enforced provincialism and in part for personal convenience.
[7] The best known biography in English is Bryce Lyon, Henri Pirenne.  A Biographical and Intellectual Study (Ghent:  E. Story-Scientia, 1974.)  Keymeulen and Tollebeek are somewhat critical of Lyon's rather hagiographic work, as was Elizabeth A. R. Brown in her review essay in History and Theory 15, 1 (1976):  66-76.

January 7, 2014

Farr: The Heart of Robin Hood


David Farr’s The Heart of Robin Hood, a review of the December 22, 2013 evening production.

Reviewed by Kevin J. Harty (harty@lasalle.edu)

There is a plenitude of magic on the boards at the Loeb Drama Center in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where the American Repertory Theater is mounting a production of David Farr’s The Heart of Robin Hood, which regenders the oft-told tale of the here not-so merry men by empowering Marion who teaches Robin a thing or two about matters of the heart.  This production faithfully restages the excellent original production done in Stratford-upon-Avon by The Royal Shakespeare Company in November 2011, which I also saw.  (The text of the play is available in paperback from Faber & Faber.)

If King Arthur is the ultimate medieval establishment figure, Robin Hood and Joan of Arc have always stood as anti-authoritarian figures.  But unlike Arthur—who has had his “biography” writ large by Geoffrey of Monmouth, Malory, Tennyson and White among others—and Joan—whose life is minutely detailed in the records first of her trial and then of her rehabilitation—Robin Hood has not been subjected to “a tyranny of tradition,” to quote Norris J. Lacy about cinema Arthuriana.  For the Hoodian legend, there is no one source text, so in dealing with Robin almost anything goes, as for instance his shift from first being a fifteenth-century yeoman in the early ballad tradition and Geste to then becoming a Saxon freedom fighter during the Crusades, thanks in large part to Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe.  Along the way prose, poetry, drama, opera, film, television, and even advertising have had a go at Robin moving him hither, thither, and yon across history and space—Australia’s Ned Kelly has acquired a reputation as a localized Robin and the again not-so-merry men appeared in an episode of Star Trek: Next Generation where no man has gone before, across the final frontier!

So too this production which places Robin (Jordan Dean), Much Miller (Andy Grotelueschen subsequently replaced by Daniel Berger-Jones), and Will Scathlock (Zachary Eienstat) in pastoral homosocial bliss in Sherwood, robbing from the rich and giving to themselves, and for reasons never quite clearly established eschewing the company of all women—Robin simply allows that “a woman causes storms in the hearts of man.”   They are soon joined by Little John (Jeremy Crawford), who, in a nice touch, is the shortest member of the adult cast, once he swears an oath

. . . to be faithful to the order of the oak,
To steal what you can steal,
To obey no law of God nor man,
To be free, under no king’s orders,
No lord’s edicts and no church’s summons,
Only dancing to the music of your own soul
And the forest beneath your feet.

As Robin and his men go about their robbing and communing with nature, King Richard is away on Crusade, and his brother Prince John (Damian Young) plots to take the throne and the hand of Marion (Christina Bennett Lind), the daughter of Richard’s lieutenant in the Holy Lands, the Duke of York.  In Farr’s version of the Hoodian legend, Marion has been “promoted” from Maid to Princess—she had previously been “promoted” from Maid to Lady in the three-season BBC television series. Prince John is aided in his machinations by Guy of Gisborne (David Michael Garry), a familiar enough figure in any number of iterations of the Hoodian legend, who will eventually be appointed Sheriff of Nottingham by Prince John, his grateful co-conspirator.

From the start, Marion is headstrong, refusing to marry a man of her father and her guardian’s preference, choosing instead with the assistance of her more-than-reluctant servant, the over-the-top and ever-so-foppish Pierre (Christopher Sieber), to set out for Sherwood to join Robin.  Rebuffed by Robin (with whom she falls in love at first sight), she decides to remain in the forest as Martin of Sherwood, robbing from the rich and giving to the poor, with the still more-than-reluctant Pierre, now known as Big Peter, as her sidekick.  Prince John meanwhile with Guy’s aid has set about raising money for himself to overthrow Richard under the guise of a scheme called the Holy Contribution allegedly designed to rescue the Holy Land from the infidel and stop their supposed eventual invasion of England—a nod to post-9/11 hysteria?

The plot only thickens when Prince John hangs Robert Summers (Louis Tucci who doubles as Marion’s guardian, Makepeace, and several other characters) after he refuses to pay the Holy Contribution, thereby orphaning his two young children Jethro (Andrew Cekala) and Sarah (Claire Candela), who in turn also flee to Sherwood.  Through a complicated serious of subplots, Martin and Big Peter do and don’t join Robin and his men, and the children are spared, condemned, and threatened with condemnation again as Marion/Martin and Pierre/Big Peter repeatedly attempt to save them with Robin’s sometimes reluctant help.  Traps are sprung; rescues, sometimes successful and sometimes thwarted, are attempted.  Marion finds a foil in her unattractive, spoiled and vain sister Alice (Katrina Yaukey), who is one with a number of women other than Marion who traditionally cause difficulties for Robin.  And there is even a sort of deus ex machina when Marion’s father shows up unexpectedly in the last scene to set everything right—a role usually reserved on page and screen for the previously-absent King Richard.

The Heart of Robin Hood borrows from a number of recognizable Hoodian narremes and themes, as well as from an at times hilarious grab bag of other sources—the shark from Jaws makes a brief appearance in a pond in Sherwood at one point, for no particular reason, other than perhaps to provide yet another good laugh.  Marion’s doubling as Martin recalls Shakespeare’s Rosalind—especially since neither makes a very convincing looking man, a point unnoticed by other characters in each play.  Previous Marions/Marians have been empowered, especially on film and television.  Lucy Griffith’s BBC Marian leads a secret life as the Night Watchman single-handedly righting wrongs long before her Robin returns from the Crusades, and Cate Blanchett’s Marion Loxley is an iconic recreation of Ingrid Bergman’s Joan of Arc when she rides astride a charger out onto the beach in head to toe armor in the climactic final battle in director Ridley Scott’s 2010 film Robin Hood

The idea that Robin needs taming is also nothing new, and Farr’s play combines that narreme with another equally familiar one, the opposition between the confines of castle/city life and the freedom afforded by nature in Sherwood.  When Marion is finally allowed to choose whom she will marry, Robin, her soon-to-be husband, agrees under one condition:

But if I am to marry . . . the altar will not be made of marble and gold but of bark and branch.  I cannot live in a castle of man with servants at my command and villages at my thrall.  I live bound only to the beating of my heart.  And that of the woman I love.  Marion, come and marry me in the only cathedral I have.

The Heart of Robin Hood is framed by the tale of Pierre/Big Peter who begins and ends the play with monologues about how he too found his heart in a “wood of oak.”  Along the way, we are treated to a bit of drama, a bit of stage musical, a bit of blue grass concert, a bit of ballet in a brief pas de deux aloft between the dead Robert Summers and his long dead wife, a bit of the traditional English Christmas Robin Hood panto (“Big” Peter’s name for starters, and then there is the shark!), and more than a bit of gymnastics and acrobatics au Cirque de Soleil (Jordan Dean and a number of other cast members have obviously been spending a great deal of their free time at a nearby gym), all staged on the most marvelous set.  Designer Börkur Jónsson has filled the Loeb auditorium with a floor to ceiling forest of oaks—proper English oaks—in which actors hide and from and to which they descend and ascend as necessary.  The backdrop is a huge, again floor to ceiling, slide which easily turns into a castle and a cathedral when necessary.  Music and lyrics are provided by the group Poor Old Shine who venture forth from their corner orchestra pit onto the stage and into the audience, singing and strumming merrily away. In charge of the whole production is the Icelandic director Gisli Örn Gardarsson, who in an interview published in the production program confesses to an Icelandic fondness for sharks!

Farr himself offers up a convincing new spin on the tale of Robin Hood.  Not only does Farr empower Marion, but he also allows for a deeper characterization of Robin himself.  Farr’s Robin can be brutish—in a scene out of the ballad tradition, a corrupt covetous monk is beheaded. Fittingly, he is separated from his gold just before he is separated from his head.  This Robin can be headstrong, brooding, sullen, more than a bit misogynistic.  Most importantly, he is at first heartless, but his encounter with Marion changes all that.  In this production of The Heart of Robin Hood, much happens on the Loeb stage in a little less than two and a half hours, and all of it is great fun and a marvelous testimony to the transformative power of really good theater, and to the enduring allure of the legend of the Hoodian greenwood.

The Heart Robin Hood, December 11, 2013-January 19, 2014, a production of the American Repertory Theatre at the Loeb Drama Center in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Directed by Gisli Örn Gardarsson. Text by David Farr.  Music by Poor Old Shine. Lyrics by Poor Old Shine and David Farr. Set design by Börkur Jónsson. Costume design by Emma Ryott. Lighting design by Björn Helgason. Sound design by Jonathan Deans. Musical direction by Kris Kukul.  Text: The Heart of Robin Hood by David Farr. London: Faber & Faber, 2011.

Kevin J. Harty
La Salle University