September 10, 2025
Houghton, The Middle Ages in Computer Games
June 25, 2025
Poland: Millennium of the First Coronation
A Voice from Poland: Missed Opportunities for the Millennium of the First Coronation (1025-2025)
Piotr Toczyski, Maria Grzegorzewska University in Warsaw, Poland
ptoczyski@aps.edu.pl
Abstract: This brief article examines the cultural and political significance of the millennium of Bolesław the Brave’s coronation in 1025, set against a backdrop of Poland’s semi-peripheral position in European history and the enduring global fascination with the Middle Ages. The analysis explores how foundational dates - especially 966 (Christianization) and 1025 (Coronation) - have been remembered, mythologized, and instrumentalized across Polish history. It revisits the 1966 millennium of Mieszko I’s baptism and the simultaneously ongoing film response to the 550th anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald to highlight tensions between narratives in state commemoration. The text critiques the lack of contemporary cultural production around the Piast dynasty and the missed opportunity to engage with medieval symbolism in inclusive and reflective ways. By tracing how symbols like the royal sword have shifted from unifying icons to contested emblems, the essay calls for renewed engagement with Poland’s medieval and medievalism heritage - one that acknowledges its ambivalence, narrative gaps, and potential for public dialogue.
The Piast dynasty (966-1370) ruled Poland from approximately 960, though they gained recognition on the international stage only after Mieszko I’s baptism in 966, and remained in power until 1370, with a brief five-year interruption. The millennium of Mieszko’s son’s coronation hits at a time of enduring fascination in the Western world with the Middle Ages, especially the quasi-Middle Ages. The proof is provided by cinema, including series such as Game of Thrones, Lord of the Rings, The Witcher - and their numerous prologues and epilogues. These are business decisions of American corporations (HBO, Amazon, Netflix), as are the lightsaber duels of Disney’s recent neo-medieval Star Wars series. Of course, there is also a steady 120 years of cinematic Arthurianism in new variants (not so long ago, King Arthur’s ecocritical and self-critical nephew in his encounter with the Green Knight).
It would be difficult to compete with all this for attention without a clear business decision, a political decision - or a sensible combination of both. And it is especially difficult in the semi-periphery, in which we still find ourselves here in Poland. The center’s offerings meet local needs well enough. However, the millennium of Bolesław the Brave’s (Polish: Bolesław Chrobry) coronation presents a significant opportunity for Poland to re-examine its medieval heritage and engage in a broader public discussion about its historical symbols and national identity. Nevertheless, the current socio-political climate and the controversies surrounding national symbols hinder such a unifying conversation, especially in the presidential election year.
Why 966, 1025 and their millennia matter in Poland
In Poland, two of the first historical dates children learn at school are 966 and 1025. Why? Because they mark two key moments in the story of how Poland became a country. In 966, Duke Mieszko I was baptized - this is seen as the symbolic beginning of the Polish state and its entry into Christian Europe. Then in 1025, his son, Bolesław the Brave, became the first king of Poland. These dates are easy to remember and packed with meaning: One stands for the birth of the nation, the other for the crowning of its independence. However, despite this important beginning, Poland remained a semi-peripheral player in the medieval world. It was neither part of the dominant core powers, like the Holy Roman Empire or France, nor completely isolated on the periphery, but occupied a middle ground, gradually building its influence.
In between those two key dates - 966 and 1025 - there is another important event that often comes up: the Gniezno Congress (Polish: Zjazd gnieźnieński, German: Akt von Gnesen) in 1000. It was a meeting between Bolesław the Brave and Emperor Otto III of the Holy Roman Empire. The event symbolized recognition of Poland’s growing importance in Europe. Otto acknowledged Bolesław as a powerful ruler and ally. So, between baptism in 966 and coronation in 1025, the year 1000 marks Poland’s official welcome into the European ‘club’. It was more than a diplomatic gesture, but a clear indication that Otto regarded the Polish ruler as a partner in shaping the spiritual and political landscape of Europe. Two years later, Otto died, and the situation became more complicated.
It was only in 1025 that Bolesław the Brave crowned himself the first king of Poland - just a few months before his death. It was a big moment: Poland had been a Christian state for only about 60 years. The coronation meant more than just a title. It was about international recognition, political independence, and showing that Poland could stand on its own next to the other kingdoms of Europe. Bolesław had been pushing for this recognition for years, using diplomacy, alliances, and war to put Poland on the map. The crown was both a reward for those efforts and a powerful symbol of Poland’s rising status. Although Bolesław did not live long enough to consolidate his royal authority, the act of coronation established a precedent that would shape the Polish monarchy for generations.
Back in 1966, the thousand-year anniversary of Mieszko I’s baptism - the symbolic start of Polish statehood - sparked massive nationwide celebrations. But it was more than just a historical moment. The communist government and the Catholic Church each wanted to own the narrative. On the one hand, the post-war communist state framed the 966 baptism as a step toward Polish independence and unity under secular leadership. On the other hand, the Church emphasized its spiritual meaning and continuity through the ages. These two competing anniversaries turned into a symbolic debate over who gets to define Poland’s roots. Despite the political tension, the millennium left a lasting mark. It showed that history isn’t just about what happened, but about how we choose to remember and use historical events. One of the biggest and most visible parts of the 966 anniversary in communist Poland was the "1000 Schools for the Millennium" campaign. Instead of building churches, which the state obviously was not keen on, the authorities launched a massive school-building project. The idea was to mark the thousand-year anniversary of the Polish state not with religious monuments, but with education and progress. And it worked - by the mid-1960s, hundreds of modern schools had popped up all over the country, and many are still standing today. For the ruling party, it was a way to offer a secular, forward-looking counter-narrative to the Church’s religious celebrations. For everyday people, it often meant something much simpler: a new local school, closer to home, and a sign that the state was investing in their children’s future.
Simultaneously, Aleksander Ford’s Knights of the Teutonic Order (1960) became one of Poland’s most-watched films, attracting 32 million viewers by 1987. Produced to commemorate the 550th anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald and aligned with the communist state’s nationalist agenda, the film adapted Henryk Sienkiewicz’s novel as both patriotic spectacle and propaganda. It portrays a stark moral divide: noble Poles versus villainous Teutonic Knights, using visual contrasts and simplified characters to reinforce political messages. Though criticized for its ideological bias and lack of depth, the film’s grand scale, emotional moments, and technical innovations secured its popularity both in Poland and abroad (e.g. Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, France). Knights of the Teutonic Order was the first Polish blockbuster, produced with the involvement of the highest state authorities of the time, including the leader of the Polish communist party, Władysław Gomułka.
The film’s production coincided with escalating tensions between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany. Polish state media widely reported that West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer had appeared at a state anniversary ceremony wearing a cloak resembling that of the Teutonic Order. As a result, the black cross on the knights’ robes in the film was intended as an allegory for the swastika, and the Polish-Teutonic conflict served as a metaphor for the contemporary diplomatic dispute between the two nations in the post-war period.
How millennia and medievalisms are troubling for Poland
Since the screen adaptation of the Battle of Grunwald (1410) - somehow remaining related to the visuals of the German chancellor in a Teutonic cloak - a convincing film epic about the Jagiellonians dynasty (1386-1572) has not been produced. Serious Piast dynasty’s film story was not attempted. The propaganda of People’s Poland reached out to Piastism and Piast Concept, creating the groundwork for the idea of the so-called Recovered Territories of Poland’s post-1945 Western borderland.
Before (since 1920s) and afterwards, the sword of the Brave, famously (but untruly) chipped at Kyiv’s gate, both independently and interdependently found its way into magazine titles and onto specific jacket lapels. Sword of the Brave (Polish: Mieczyk Chrobrego) is a nationalist symbol in Poland. It depicts the royal coronation sword, Szczerbiec, wrapped in a ribbon in Poland’s national colors. First used in the interwar period by the nationalist parties, it became so politically charged that wearing it was penalized and legally debated already in the 1930s, but still used by nationalist groups and even in the 21st century banned from UEFA Euro (2008) events due to its association with extremist ideologies. Its return was noticed by the press in unusual circumstances, when one of the police officers checking the IDs of participants in the so-called anti-fascist picnic had a nationalist emblem pinned to his uniform vest. At that time (2019), a nationalist march was passing through Warsaw.
And that was it. Although resurrections of Antoni Golubiew’s serious and intellectual novels (written mainly between 1947-1956) about the Brave exist (discussions about them and films don't). There has also been no solid adaptation to the legendarium of Lech, Siemowit, Popiel or the Wawel Dragon outside the world of award-winning Allegro ads. Thus, the cultural background to discuss Poland’s origins and mythmaking would be there. One could, for example, turn to a very interesting work by a Lublin-based medievalist Czesław Deptuła on the Cracow conflict between the Skalka and Wawel as a mythical metaphor for the two centers of power - symbolized by Krak, Krakus, dragons. For the time being, we are left with a global spectacle in this role - the Targaryen fratricidal battles from Game of Thrones.
From elsewhere in Poland, the role of knights - including the misguided ones, the ronins - is held (yes, yes) mainly by twentieth-century soldiers, policemen and even former secret police officers (after the trilogy about “Pigs”) - soon the premiere of “Assassination of the Pope”, from which I expect to remain on the same sheet of mytho-landscape. And as the quintessential honorary hero - Hans Kloss (once a captain, once a Hauptmann) and several of his doubles. These are also references to the ethos of chivalry, emblematic of the Middle Ages.
Therefore, let’s not be surprised that Boleslaw the Brave as a symbol does not have it easy at all in such a global and local environment. One would have to do the necessary homework on mythologization and demythologization. For it to make sense for the millennium of the coronation (and it could have), a major public discussion should have started a good five years ago. It could, for example, have come out of the world of museums, a cultural congress. However, this would have been a very labor-intensive undertaking. Let me illustrate it with an example of the Brave’s royal sword.
I remember well how, in the second half of the nineties, on the corner of Ujazdowskie Avenue and Wilcza Street in central Warsaw, a sad gentleman vendor traded books from unfolded polka dots. A large sign in paint in the background of his workplace proclaimed “Either Szczerbiec - or stand.” Above referred as Brave’s Sword, Szczerbiec is a ceremonial sword used to crown most Polish kings between 1320 and 1764. Today, it is the only surviving piece of Poland’s medieval crown jewels and is kept at Wawel Castle in Kraków. Its hilt is decorated with Christian symbols, floral designs, and magical inscriptions, and the blade contains a slit with a small Polish coat of arms. Though often called “the Notched Sword,” the blade is smooth - the name refers to a sword meant to notch others. A legend claims King Bolesław I the Brave chipped it against Kyiv’s Golden Gate in 1018, but the gate was built later, and the sword itself comes from the 12th or 13th century. Still, the story lives on - illustrating how legends shape cultural memory even when the timeline doesn’t quite align. National symbols like Szczerbiec blend myth with documented fact.
‘Szczerbiec’ refers to the magazine named after the sword. Either the vendor agrees to sell the nationalist magazine Szczerbiec (founded in 1991), or their bookstand will be damaged or removed. The magazine in question was on the stand. This kind of pressure reflects the tactics sometimes used by fringe nationalist groups in post-communist Poland to assert dominance in public spaces and intimidate those not aligned with their ideology. The presence of the sign behind the vendor’s stand suggests that he may have been forced to comply, highlighting an atmosphere of fear and ideological bullying. And that’s probably how the conversation about the Middle Ages in the measure of twenty-first-century Poland would have ended.
It is a pity that today the atmosphere for the Brave and his sword as unifying symbols is not yet there. And it is a potentially capacious symbol - both of pride, and shame, and history, and myth, and an honest conversation about ambivalence. And also about reception and non-reception - what we want more of and what we want less of. For now, we are taking away the opportunity for such conversations. Maybe next time.
October 21, 2024
Danahay and Howey, Neo-Victorianism and Medievalism
Danahay, Martin and Ann F. Howey, eds. Neo-Victorianism and Medievalism: Re-Appropriating the Victorian and Medieval Pasts (Lieden: Brill, 2024), ISBN 978004677876 322pp. eBook and HB RRP €105.00
Reviewed by:
Stephen Basdeo, Leeds Trinity University
Martin and Danahay and Ann F. Howey tell
us that “Medievalism in culture emerges in the early nineteenth century” (4). One
of the book’s central premises is therefore incorrect, for such a statement
would surprise the sculptors of the Saxon deities at Stowe Gardens
(commissioned in 1727), and Thomas Arne, the composer of England’s great
patriotic song “Rule Britannia” (from the masque Alfred, in 1740, relating the life and deeds of one of England’s
greatest monarchs). Georg F. Handel, who wrote Rinaldo (1711), would raise an eyebrow, as would John Dryden, who
translated some of Chaucer’s Canterbury
Tales in Fables: Ancient and Modern and
wrote King Arthur; or the British Worthy
(1691), which was later turned into an opera by Henry Purcell. Readers of
“true” crime would likewise be surprised, given that they could read, in any
number of criminal biographies, stories of Robin Hood, Thomas Dun, and that
very noted thief, Sir John Falstaff.
Medievalism was so popular in the century
preceding the nineteenth that even the brilliant Henry Fielding turned to it to
produce the Arthurian Tragedy of
Tragedies; or the Life and Death of Tom Thumb the Great (1730). This was
also the great age of the gothic novel beginning with the Castle of Otranto (1764). Shakespeare, his histories and tragedies,
owe their status as classics largely to the labours of David Garrick, while
scholars such as Joseph Ritson (of Robin Hood fame), Sir John Hawkins (A History of the Science and Practice of
Music), Thomas Warton (History of
English Poetry), Samuel Johnson and George Steevens (who edited
Shakespeare), as well as Thomas Percy (famous for his Reliques of Ancient English Poetry) diligently researched and
published their enquiries into various aspects of English medieval literature
and culture. Finally, nameless ballad sellers and chapmen sold songs and poems
of medieval British worthies in broadsides and chapbooks. I appreciate that a
dedicated book on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century medievalism is yet to be
written, but it did not begin with the Victorians and the idea that it did
should not be a central premise of the book’s introduction.
Upon such weak foundations and generalisations
does Danahay and Howey’s Neo-Victorianism
and Medievalism: Re-Appropriating the Victorian and Medieval Pasts (2024) begin,
in an introduction titled “Neo-Victorianism and Medievalism—Why together? Why
now?” The authors do not provide even a brief answer to this question despite
the book’s aims to unite “all the contributions to the fields of
neo-Victorianism and medievalism gathered in this volume” and ask “to what end
is the recourse to history used, and what does it tell us about contemporary
values?” (3). But editors don’t provide an answer to their key question because
none of the chapters (with one or two exceptions) really bring neo-Victorianism
and neo-medievalism together. What we have in this volume are papers of two
different stripes: neo-Victorianism papers and medievalism papers and rarely do
the two meet.
The chapters are perfectly good in
themselves and might have been more appropriately published as single journal
pieces. Karl Fugelso’s first chapter—which does discuss neo-medievalism and
neo-Victorianism—provides a journal editor’s perspective on the question of
what constitutes neo-medievalism, medievalism, and the medieval period. It was
certainly refreshing to see Fugelso pour cold water on the idea of a
non-western Middle Ages given the recent tendency to “globalise” the period
(50). Indeed, as a Brazilian colleague once quipped: “If we’re going to have a
global middle ages, why not a global pre-Aztec period?”[i] I
also agree with Fugelso’s remark that it is largely pointless to separate
neo-medievalism and medievalism, for, as anyone with even a passing interest in
the field would likely know: “medievalism encompasses all responses to the Middle Ages” (53). Still, there’s nothing in
Fugelso’s chapter which answers either of the key questions: “to what end is
the recourse to history used, and what does it tell us about contemporary
values?”
Valerie B. Johnson makes a compelling
contribution to Robin Hood studies by examining how, and in what settings, Maid
Marian trains to become an outlaw in Robin Hood films. In doing so, this is one
of the few chapters which does answer the key question of what
medievalism in the present tells us about contemporary values regarding the
status of women in medievalism and popular culture generally (190). Another
excellent contribution, and which meets the book’s aims, is Howey’s discussion
of the Charlotte M. Yonge novel The Heir
of Redclyffe (1853), and its manner of making the idea of knighthood
relevant in the Victorian age. That being said, Yonge’s novel is hardly neo-Victorian but actually Victorian,
published during the reign of that great monarch.
After Fugelso’s chapter there is a piece
by Claire Nally which examines a neo-Victorian novel titled the Wonder (2016)—which does not mention
medievalism at all but is certainly a chapter which made me want to read The Wonder in full. Then follows
“Digital White Supremacy, White Rage, and the Middle Ages: Rebooting the
Alt-Right through Medieval Studies” by Dorothy Kim who once again tells the
story of her dramatic and seemingly never-ending battles with the Alt-Right in
the United States. She begins by describing the Charlottesville far right
protest in 2017 and then claims that her chapter will “map” the “alt-medieval
ecosystem.” The only problem is that though she uses the verb “to map” with
regard to these far right groups, Kim merely lists them and spends so little time on each group’s
characteristics with the result that one feels Kim should have aimed for depth
rather than breadth, focusing on one or two groups at most, perhaps within one
country. Curiously, in Kim’s “alt-medieval eco-system,” she cannot seem to find
a single far right medievalist group in the United Kingdom, which perhaps would
have been worthy of comment given that, apparently during Brexit, says Kim, the
Crusades were invoked to legitimise the far right support of it. Yet Kim offers
no supporting citation for this assertion (96). Even if one conclude that Kim
indeed mapped these groups, the question remains: What is to be done?
Medievalists know that these groups exist in the United States and elsewhere,
but what do we do with this information? Kim offers no solution on this score.
Is it the implication that we as academics are somehow not doing enough
publishing or public engagement? This is left unclear. Finally, it is not clear
how any of this relates to neo-Victorianism, thus the chapter does not speak to
the book’s aims.
The next chapter to focus only on one of
the book’s aims is Hadley’s “Three Phases of a Statue,” examining the recent
public debates over, and vandalism of, monuments to Queen Victoria
in Montréal. The word medievalism does not appear in this chapter (though if I
missed this reference, I am happy to be corrected). Hadley’s aim, however, is
to debunk “popular arguments that monuments stand outside history;” (131) I am
unconvinced, however, that anyone, either for or against the statues of the
Queen-Empress in Canada, actually would argue this and, having served on my
home city of Leeds’s statue’s and monuments review, much of the debate usually
hinges on a misunderstood notion of “erasing history.”
Marie-Luise Kohlke's examination of
“Janus-Faced Neo-Victorianism” in the Penny
Dreadful TV series makes a rather overstated case for seeing medievalism in
a series set during the nineteenth century on the basis that it features
witches and spiritualism and has an overall gothic feel to it. According to
Kolhke, “extant criticism on Penny
Dreadful evinces a curious lack of explicit concern with the show’s
reliance on the Middle Ages” (140). Could the “curious lack of concern” not
simply be owing to the fact that there is indeed little or no
medievalism in the series and therefore contemporary critics are pursuing more
fruitful lines of enquiry? It would also have been nice if the author had at
least acknowledged what a penny dreadful actually was in the Victorian era. Penny Dreadful is largely an urban
gothic series; the heir of mid-Victorian British penny bloods and
nineteenth-century French feuilletons,
such as George W.M. Reynolds’s Mysteries
of London (1844–48)—which features spiritualism and a witch-like “Old Hag”
but is hardly medieval—Mysteries of the
Court of London (1849–56), and Eugene Sue’s Mystères de Paris (1842–43). As such, the author might have
consulted the numerous works on the urban gothic.[ii] This
genre, in the British case especially, in a very roundabout way, adapted the
conventions of the gothic novel in the previous century and transplanted them
on to the social novel.
Amy Montz then offers an examination of
the “steampunk novels” of Gail Carriger and those novels’ utlimate failure to
denounce the British Empire’s exploitation of subject peoples. The novels are
referenced and discussed in full—though Montz also offers quotations in which
Carriger does indeed denounce the empire (230)—though there are no primary or
secondary sources or even events cited to support the point on exploitation
and, taking a look at the bibliography, there is not a single history book on
the British Empire cited either. Quite clearly, this is unacceptable in any
scholarly work which touches upon the history of the empire, even if that
history is then refracted through the fictive lens of modern steampunk novels.
The next steampunk chapter by Mike Perschon educates us all on the fact that
steampunk is not exclusively Victorian (257), with a focus on the movie Mortal Engines. The film is also
examined in the succeeding chapter by Kevin and Brent Moberly—a chapter which,
to give due credit, does refreshingly discuss neo-Victorianism and medievalism
together (279–285).
For Danahay, President Trump’s tenure and
the subsequent age of “epistemological crisis” is an appropriate framing
narrative for an exploration of William Morris’s News from Nowhere (1890), for the conditions which led Morris to
write his utopian masterpiece have parallels with the Trump’s era of “fake
news” (289). The chapter does not adequately situate Morris’s writings in their
wider context, apart from a cursory comment that he was “respond[ing] to social
change [and] … radical changes in the means of production that created a
concomitant upheaval in modes of communication. Steam, the telegraph and
eventually electricity restructured Victorian society” (289). Well, yes,
innovations did occur in that period, though the traditional dating of the Industrial Revolution, from c.1760–c.1840, only includes three years of
Victoria’s reign. On steam power: Newcomen’s steam engine was first installed
in a Dudley coal mine in 1712; by 1800, there was at least 2,500 steam engines
used in various coal mines, mills, and manufactories. As for the dominance of
the steam-powered railways in the Victorian age, little need be said beyond the
fact that Morris’s novel came a long time after the “Railway Mania” building
and speculation boom of the 1840s, and that by the end of the century Great
Britain had a railway network of over 20,000 miles.[iii]
And yes, “eventually” electricity did transform Britain, but I’m not sure how
relevant the point is to a discussion of a novel published in 1890, when it was
only in 1888 that the government granted electricity supply franchises to 64
private companies and 17 local corporations but even this had little immediate
effect; by 1919 only 6 per cent of households had electricity. This is because,
given the cost and difficulty of its supply, most late-Victorian consumers
opted to remain with gas power; even by 1938 only two thirds of houses had
electricity.[iv]
The specific things which Danahay claims Morris was responding to were simply
facts of life by the latter’s time. On the point about fake news, Danahay
reprints the first page of the 11 January 1890 issue of Commonweal and argues that, because the first instalment of News from Nowhere is printed on the
first page where news would normally be, indicates that Morris wanted his
novella to be seen as a news item, and thus it constitutes an early attempt at
deliberate fake news (292). And yet, the full title of the story is printed on
its first page: News from Nowhere; or, an
Epoch of Rest. Being some chapters from a Utopian Romance. I am sure the
quite well-educated Commonweal readers
would have known, three lines into the story, that they were reading a work of
fiction upon seeing the word “romance.” What follows after in the same chapter
is a discussion of steampunk and alternative history, and the whole might
better have been divided into two chapters—one on Morris and one on
steampunk—for the two are an awkward fit together and no firm link is made
between the two.
Thus the collection ends, leaving readers
with praise for a few chapters, critiques of several others, and still without
any firm answer to the volume’s key questions. Medievalism and neo-Victorianism
are not “united” in any meaningful way because the chapters, while mostly sound
in themselves, do not speak to the book’s overall aims.
Stephen Basdeo
[i] Thanks to Luiz Guerra for this point.
[ii] On the urban gothic see Richard C. Maxwell, ‘G. M. Reynolds, Dickens,
and the Mysteries of London’, Nineteenth-Century Fiction,
32: 2 (1977), 188–213 and Richard Maxwell, The
Mysteries of Paris and London (University Press of Virginia, 1992)
[iii] Michael Freeman, ‘Transport’, in
Atlas of Industrialising Britain, 1780–1914, ed. by John Langton and R.J.
Morris (London and New York: Methuen, 1986), p. 88.
[iv] Carol Jones, ‘Coal, gas, and electricity’, in Atlas of British Economic and Social History since c.1700, ed. by
Rex Pope (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 68–95.
September 3, 2024
Decameron -- Netflix 2024
August 11, 2024
Douglas Gray: From Fingal's Cave to Camelot, ed. J. Bliss
Douglas Gray, From Fingal’s Cave to Camelot, ed. Jane Bliss. Oxford, UK: Independent Publishing Network, 2020. https://cheerful-bb1685.wordpress.com/ £17.
Reviewed by Jane Toswell
University of Western Ontario
mjtoswel@uwo.ca
After his retirement as Tolkien Professor of Middle English in the University of Oxford, Douglas Gray (1930-2017) turned his considerable learning and intelligence to the writing of books about medieval literature, synthesizing his own deep and rich investigations into the readers and writers who prepared those texts, and into those who received and transformed medieval texts and ideas in their own day. At his death he left two near-complete manuscripts, an anthology and this book, lovingly assembled and with scholarly apparatus added by Jane Bliss, with help offered (as she puts it) by numerous other Oxford medievalists chasing down particularly tricky references.
The book itself offers a genial study of the reception history of the Middle Ages in English, beginning with the visit in August 1829 of Felix Mendelssohn to Fingal’s Cave on the isle of Staffa west of Scotland. Gray points to the procession of nineteenth-century figures to this musical cave, traceable to the visit of Joseph Banks (the scientist who traveled with Captain Cook) and his account of that visit in a 1772 publication. He uses these details to point to his opening themes about the opposed but also interlocking attitudes taken by scholars and antiquarians on the one hand, and poets and creative writers on the other. His thesis is that these two approaches, the erudite study and the passionate engagement, have co-existed fruitfully in this field, with its rediscoveries and its continuities, as different generations encountered medieval literature and responded to it. I’ll note in passing that although the book reveals Gray’s comprehensive knowledge of several European languages and literatures, the focus is entirely (and without conscious statement) on the post-medieval reception (almost entirely by men) of what we would today call literary texts written in the English vernacular in the medieval period. That is to say, the book begins with a significant number of underlying assumptions that remain unquestioned.
Part I discusses the beginnings of this journey, starting in the fifteenth century with the use of medieval authors and their availability in early modern materials. Gray points to various uses of Gower, Lydgate, and Langland, but notes that “Chaucer is the dominant presence” (11). The focus here tends to be on continuities with the Middle Ages more than rediscovery, although as the opening indicates there are also echoes and new developments. The argument particularly highlights the continuity of romances, retold in chapbooks and even single sheets, greatly influencing writers such as Edmund Spenser and John Bunyan. Sir John Mandeville’s Travels had a particularly active afterlife, even being reworked and reprinted until the nineteenth century. The most fascinating echoes, however, belong to the drama and the corpus of songs, lyrics, and carols, two genres which Gray knows very well. The chapter points to many medieval motifs, figures, and concerns in Shakespeare, continuing performances of miracle and mystery plays, and even to possible elements drawn from the lost tradition of popular drama. It analyses several examples of carols and lyrics that are or seem to be medieval in their language and expression, and in their particular approach to Christianity. The last section of the chapter starts with religious literature, pointing out the similarities between Catholic and Protestant writings, before turning to the early antiquaries for their role in keeping medieval materials safe, and to some extent studied. Gray notes that figures such as John Aubrey, John Leland, and Robert Cotton were not interested in literature, but their activities in the service of language, history and law meant that literary texts survived for their utility on other fronts.
Chapter two begins with a survey of Continental antiquaries and approaches to the medieval from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries before turning to England and moving forward to the eighteenth century. Gray discusses seventeenth-century French scholarship, notably of romances, to offer a more sophisticated parallel to his detailed analysis of English antiquarians and their work collecting and editing medieval texts. He offers a detailed analysis of the reception history of King Alfred, and pauses also on George Hickes and Thomas Hearne. Gray then turns back the clock to look at the historiography of specific medieval writers, again focusing on Chaucer with his most estimable editor, Thomas Tyrwhitt, and critic, John Dryden. He next spends substantial time considering the revival of ballads in the eighteenth century, pointing to the continuities these texts and their editions or manuscripts imply, and focusing on Percy’s Reliques both in terms of Percy’s decisions to polish and update his texts and in terms of the language used by imitators (Johnson, as Gray explains, famously derided this style). The chapter finishes with the shift towards literary history promulgated by Percy, his predecessor Richard Hurd, and the humane and comprehensive scholarship of “the first great historical critic of English literature, Thomas Warton” (83).
The next section of the book addresses various trends in the eighteenth century, beginning with primitivism. Gray points out that this impulse is not simply about nostalgia for a better past, but a belief in previous innocence, honesty, and justice. Here he takes for his examples the native peoples of the Pacific and their interactions with explorers, and points to the two contradictory approaches of primitivism: the urge to see the primitivist peoples as children or ignorant, and the urge to see them as noble and glorious. Gray uses these observations to investigate more deeply the complex question of Ossian as ‘presented’ by James Macpherson, and the ‘Rowley’ poems of Thomas Chatterton; the former engages in “a largely uninformed enthusiastic romanticism” (96) though pecuniary advances were probably also on his mind, while the latter evades a clear understanding of his pseudo-fifteenth-century poetry, written (as Gray kindly suggests) when there was not yet a firm understanding of the notion of ‘the truth of fiction’ (100). To these two experimental medievalists, Gray adds the “runic poetry” of the time and, by extension, the “Celtic poetry” lauding bloodthirsty chiefs and warriors. In this vein also belong the many translations over several centuries of “The Battle of Brunanburh,” the last of which was that of Alfred, Lord Tennyson. Gray identifies Thomas Gray as the most successful of these poets, and quotes especially from “The Bard,” which ends with the Poet plunging from “the mountain’s height...to endless night.” Clearly this kind of material presages Romanticism, and the second half of this section reviews the eighteenth century as a whole, pausing for extended discussion of Samuel Johnson’s interest in romance and his travels in Scotland, and following the train of thought forward by way of antiquarians (Joseph Ritson, George Ellis) almost to the end of the nineteenth century with Sir Walter Scott. With Scott, Gray suggests, “we first detect a genuine sense of period” (121).
The next chapter, “Part 4,” turns to the nineteenth century, beginning with a survey of how medievalisms in religion, then chivalry, and lastly thought are perceived, mostly in England but with some comparison, especially to France. Referring, for example to the Gothic tales of Mary Shelley, Bram Stoker, and R.L. Stevenson, Gray characteristically offers a passive sentence, with which he seems to agree: “It has been argued that this was not simply escapism, but provided a rich, powerful language of images and styles appropriate for the expression of deep-seated anxieties, social and psychological fears” (132). Gray then turns to a broader European survey noting that medievalism is a hugely influential presence, and one often touching upon the major thinkers of the late nineteenth century. Gray focuses on Germany and France, but notes other influences and accomplishments in passing, such as Donizetti’s opera Alfredo il Grande (for Alfred the Great, here fighting off a Danish adversary named Atkins). Gray touches upon Matthew Arnold’s lectures on Celtic literature when he was Professor of Poetry at Oxford, and then upon the growth of study and imitation of Northern tales, including Thiodolf the Icelander, by “A Mr. Gordon,” which contrasts the scenery and customs of the Mediterranean against Iceland. Gray then briefly summarizes German medievalism, with special focus on music and scholarship, and ends the chapter with French medievalism, notably Victor Hugo, Viollet-le-Duc, and the cathedral.
The next chapter explicitly returns to England in the nineteenth century, with the opening thesis that “medievalism of one kind or another seems to have had some influence on almost every writer in England” (149) in the period. Gray begins with Thomas Carlyle’s “gift of breathing life into the past” (150) before turning to the pre-Raphaelites and the discovery by William Morris and Edward Burne-Jones of a copy of Malory’s Morte d’Arthur in an Oxford bookshop in 1855. Malory is, of course, the focus of Tennyson’s Idylls of the King, and Gray offers an extended defence of these poems for their treatment of character, their appeal to the ear, and their search for political order and good government. The chapter then turns to the poetry of William Morris, first his early works, then his version of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, and then his verse epic Sigurd the Volsung. News from Nowhere perhaps receives the most attention, and Gray is most intrigued by Morris’s ideas about language, and his experimentation with dialect, with medieval usage, with simplicity of expression. To complete his review of the nineteenth century, Gray briefly discusses the language experimentation of George Borrow and, in particular, the linguistic purism and Dorset language of William Barnes.
Borrow and Barnes open the door to Gray’s last section, on “the philologists,” a group very great in number in the nineteenth century. He begins with the rise of institutions, including universities, focusing on the teaching of English and the founding of libraries. He finds a new line of argument through Max Müller, describing his lectures on the importance of the English language: “it stands in the system of the intellectual world as light stands in the system of the physical world, comprising all, penetrating all, and revealing all” (174). Scholars in the English and European tradition are joined by an American tradition. Gray specifically considers Francis Douce, Andrew Lang, and G.K. Chesterton. The main part of his argument, however, concerns the rise of scholarly study of Old English and Middle English and runs through F.J. Furnivall, James Murray, Henry Sweet, W.W. Skeat, H.C. Chadwick, Joseph Wright, and A.S. Napier, all described by Gray as being from Oxford. He finishes the survey with W.P. Ker, quoting W.H. Auden’s opinion of his excellent writing, before turning to discussion of two major figures in America: Mark Twain and Henry Adams. As throughout the book, his idea is to address both the creative reconstruction of medieval materials and the scholarly analysis taking place in the United States. He thus addresses Twain’s A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court at some length, especially on its double narrator, the practical Yankee and the more sensitive author, and on the grim ending. Following the lead of Alice Chandler, who analysed Henry Adams’s Mont Saint Michel and Chartres in her 1970 book A Dream of Order, Gray describes Adams as celebrating a lost civilization, “with some hints of nostalgia, but an overwhelming sense of joy and potential liberation in a new situation” (197). Gray is particularly struck by Adams’s “full and powerful account” of the role of women, by his analysis of how Chartres Cathedral was built for its apse, for the Virgin. Mostly, Adams points to the expressive nature of the cathedrals, to how the Gothic architecture of the eleventh and twelfth centuries show what those centuries had to say.
With these works Gray is already well into the twentieth century; his short final section, “Part 7,” points to its varied medievalisms. He gestures in various directions, to folktales, songs, the research and publications of W.B. Yeats, the new genre of fantasy literature, and notably James Joyce with a very long quotation from his paean of medievalizing praise to the Boulevard Saint-Michel which turns into a statement that Ireland is fundamentally medieval and the modern world is similarly becoming a world of extremes–an unexpected turn of events in the epilogue. Gray does not analyse the Joycean monologue at all. Instead, he offers a brief envoi, noting that his book has run from Fingal’s Cave to Camelot, but the latter remains mysterious and uncertain, a resting place for us now to think “of the dreams, enthusiasm...affection and love which the rediscovering of medieval literature brought” (207).
Gray offers an astonishing number of fascinating details: that Spenser’s depiction of battle with a dragon in The Faerie Queene depends on the medieval romance Bevis of Hampton for some of its details (17); that Coleridge’s father burned his copy of a favourite medieval romance (18); that Samuel Johnson was interested in feudalism, that Sir Walter Scott’s Quentin Durward often quotes from and alludes to the medieval romance The Squyr of Lowe Degre, and much more. None of these points has a footnote, presumably because for Gray these matters are common knowledge. Every sentence, however, is dense with thoughtful argument and with new ways to think about the reception and recreation of the medieval in ensuing centuries–up to the end of the nineteenth century. In fact, nearly every page opens a new field of possible thesis topics or studies in medievalism, partly because Gray is less interested in medievalism as a field of study than he is in looking at medieval literary elements continuing in ensuing centuries (some might say this is a distinction without a difference). However, Gray does not delve much into how ideas and motifs are changed and redeployed, or how a particular carol retains its medieval wording but medieval popular drama survives only in hints. His interest lies in the fact of that survival, and its cultural and historical context.
Leit-motifs run through the book, notably the French literary historian La Curne de Sainte-Palaye on questions of chivalry, but also Captain Cook, notions of orientalism and the exotic, nifty anecdotes about practice in New Zealand, the strong opinions of Dr. Johnson, J.R.R. Tolkien, and always Gray’s underlying motif of Mercury and Philology, those passionate and empowered by the Middle Ages to create new works of art, and those studying and editing its works.
It is difficult to assess this book. On the one hand, it is a true pleasure to read the thoughtful writings of Douglas Gray on a newish topic for him, though it is one that flows from both his anthologies and edited texts and his own considerations of themes and ideas and genres of later medieval literature. His learning was vast but also kind, and the kindness shines through here; he is loath to condemn James Macpherson and Thomas Rowley for their flights of medievalizing imagination. Basically, he wants to find opportunities and new ways of engaging with the afterlife of medieval texts, never to close down options for study. At times here the work is old-fashioned and sometimes it seems that Gray would have read and included the work of modern scholars of medievalism such as Rebecca Brackman (on the Renaissance response to early medieval England), Clare Simmons on ballads and lyrics, Dustin Frazier Wood on antiquarianism in the eighteenth century, and Tom Shippey on Norse attitudes to death, to name but a few. Some of the references here are pretty outdated and seem a bit blinkered–but, this was a last work by a scholar whose humane and generous soul wanted to point out some ways forward for thinking about the afterlife of medieval texts. In this book, Douglas Gray has most certainly accomplished that goal. Jane Bliss has done us all a favour in making it available to us–particularly to researchers looking (but with an eye to more recent scholarship) for possible projects.
February 7, 2024
Once Upon a Mattress
New York City Center’s Encore! Concert Production of
Once Upon a Mattress (based upon The Princess and the
Pea by Hans Christian Andersen)
La Salle University
harty@lasalle.edu
Medievalism as stage musical is a small subgenre. There is Camelot, which may not have aged well given the short run of the recent New York revival at Lincoln Center. On the other hand, Spamalot’s current Broadway revival is doing well at the box office and has garnered generally positive reviews. Twang—the disastrous Robin Hood musical—closed shortly after it opened in London in 1965, bankrupting its backers, and seems never to have been revived. Less panned critically, but nonetheless never revived, has been the 1975 Joan of Arc musical, Goodtime Charley. Pippin, the 1972 musical about Charlemagne’s first son, continues to be a favorite among college and high school theater groups, and there was a successful 2013 Broadway revival, which I reviewed here on April 30, 2013. Richard Rodgers and Lorenz Hart’s A Connecticut Yankee, from the Twain novel, both had a successful initial run and has seen the occasional revival. To this short list of stage musical medievalisms, we might well add Once Upon a Mattress.
Mattress opens in 1428 in medieval Samarkand, a kingdom ruled over by the devious Queen Aggravain (Harriet Harris) and the mute King Sextimus the Silent (David Patrick Kelly). The King has long been cursed by a witch never to speak until a mouse devours a hawk, and, over the years, any mouse within ten feet of the court has fled in terror whenever a hawk shows up. But the central concern in the kingdom is finding a suitable bride for Prince Dauntless the Drab (Michael Urrie), because a royal edict has forbidden anyone else in the kingdom to marry until he does: “Throughout the land, no one may wed, ‘til Dauntless shares his wedding bed.” Twelve princesses have failed to win the Prince’s hand because they were unable to pass a series of impossible tests devised by the Queen, who wants to keep her son to herself. Aggravain has been successful in disqualifying potential princess brides with help from her partner in crime, the Wizard Cardamom (Francis Jue).
Tensions at court are heightened when Sir Harry (Cheyenne Jackson), the Chivalric Knight of the Realm, finds out his lover, Lady Larken (Nikki Renée Daniels), is pregnant. Sir Harry is the court and the musical’s resident “himbo,” who, in a running joke, loves Larken almost as much as his shiny silver spurs. To solve his domestic problem, and to allow every other couple in the kingdom to wed, Sir Harry sets out on an arduous two-week quest to find a suitable princess, finally coming across Winnifred the Woebegone (Sutton Foster). Winnifred is the Princess of Swamp Castle located in a land of bogs and marshes; only the peasants live on the kingdom’s few patches of dry land. Sir Harry escorts Winnifred back to Samarkand, where she appears to be anything but marriage material. She swims the moat around the castle, is shabbily dressed, is alternately uncouth and clear-sighted, and wants to be called “Fred.” In short, she is just the kind of nightmare daughter-in-law whom the Queen would immediately reject, and, of course, just the kind of girl who immediately wins Prince Dauntless’s heart.
To nip her son’s attraction to Winnifred in the bud, the Queen and the Wizard devise a sensitivity test, placing a single pea under the twenty mattresses on Winnifred’s bed. The previous unsuccessful princesses had had to pass tests in science, history, mathematics. But the body of a true princess will be so sensitive that even the small lump caused by a single pea, twenty mattresses removed, will prevent her from falling asleep. Winnifred passes the test, stumbling the next morning into court a sleepless zombie. But, when the Queen refuses to consent to Winnifred’s marriage to her son, the previously ineffectual Dauntless grows a spine and barks at his mother, telling her, in no uncertain terms, that he will indeed marry Winnifred. This response—like that of a mouse devouring a hawk—renders the Queen mute and restores the King’s voice, as Dauntless and Winnifred happily head off to the altar.
Encore! Productions at City Center are concert, rather than full-fledged stage, performances. The series is in its thirtieth season. Rehearsals and production runs are limited. There are no sets. The orchestra is not quite as large as it would be for a Broadway production, and props and costumes are functional and generic. The plot of Mattress is admittedly silly, but this production works. The songs may not be all that memorable, but the full-throated cast is clearly having the time of their lives. Ham acting is the rule, not the exception, and the whole production comes together as a seamless whole.
Mattress has an interesting production history. The original production opened off Broadway in May 1959, but quickly moved uptown to a Broadway venue for an extended run under the direction of George Abbott. The then little-known Carol Burnett made her Broadway debut in the role of Winnifred. Burnett was subsequently replaced in the role by the veteran television comic actress Ann B. Davis. The seven-month national tour of the show after the Broadway production closed saw first Doddy Goodman and then Imogene Coca play the Princess—a role clearly designed for a comedienne with broad physical and vocal comic skills. In the road company, the great Buster Keaton played the part of the mute King. The Burnett production was adapted for television in black and white in 1964 and then again in color in 1972. A third television production in 2005 saw Tracey Ullman as the hapless Princess, and Burnett, in a nice turn, as the Queen.
Mattress is filled with what François Amy de la Bretèque has called elements of the medieval imaginary, and what Andrew B.P. Elliott has dubbed historicons. The musical offers a castle, a king and a queen, a prince and a princess, a brave knight, ladies in waiting, a quest, a royal challenge, a curse, a jester, a wizard, and a minstrel (the part has been cut from the City Center production), as well as references to Camelot, dragons, and witches, among other items contemporary audiences expect to find in an accurate, as opposed to an authentic, portrayal of the medieval. To the list of the musical’s accurate medievalist elements, the Encore! Production adds the name of Winnifred—now, thanks to David Lowery’s 2021 film The Green Knight, an early medieval Welsh saint to be reckoned with—a Swamp Castle—later familiar to audiences from the 1975 film Monty Python and the Holy Grail—the musical number “Song of Love,” which encapsulates the entire plot of another vaguely medievalist musical, the much-revived 1987 Into the Woods, and a gender bending use of a familiar Arthurian name, Aggravain. The City Center production is under the musical direction of Mary-Mitchell Campbell, the artistic direction of Lear Debessonet, and the creative direction of Clint Ramos.
One Upon a Mattress with original music by Mary Rodgers, original lyrics by Marshall Barer, and original book by Jay Thomson, Marshall Barer, and Dean Fuller, from the Hans Christian Andersen’s fairytale The Princess and the Pea, at New York’s City Center in an Encore! Concert Production, January 24-February 4, 2024. Running time: 150 minutes with one intermission.





